罕有的生命的历史记录 (2007-04-05 17:53:38)

我是夏雯静

  1925年，国际联盟（联合国前身）在日内瓦召开会议，参会国家签订议定书，禁止在战争中使用毒气和细菌武器。
1928年至1930年，后来成为日军731细菌部队司令的军医石井四郎经日本陆军省派遣赴欧洲各国视察。回国后，他极力说服日本陆军省和参谋本部主要干部，必须进行细菌战的研究，理由如下:
    1.欧洲列强都在作细菌战的准备，日本如果落在后面，将来会陷入困境；
    2.细菌战成本低，对于缺乏铁和其他资源的日本来说，是最合适的武器；
    3. 细菌攻击的首要特征是具有超过任何武器的杀伤力。铁制的枪炮只能消灭周围特定的目标，负伤者痊愈后又能回战场。但是，细菌的杀伤从人到人，从农村到城市，持续扩展，且渗透人体内部，死亡率极高。
    1932年, 东京的日本陆军军医学校设立了防疫研究室, 开始了以石井四郎为中心人物的细菌战研究。同年，在中国东北黑龙江省背阴河建立了细菌实验部队。
    1936年, 根据天皇的密令，同时在哈尔滨设立731细菌部队,主要从事用于人的细菌武器的研究和开发，在长春设立100细菌部队,主要从事用于牲畜和农作物的细菌武器研究和开发。
   继而于1938年，分别在北京、南京、广州设立1855、1644、8604细菌部队。这些部队共有60个以上支队或派出机构，总人员在10000名左右。根据2002年日本厚生省公开的资料，到1945年战争结束时，731部队的编制人员还在3000以上。
   以上日军各细菌部队，都使用活人作细菌武器试验，研究细菌战，大量生产细菌武器， 至少从1938年开始，在中国战场各地使用细菌武器。除以上细菌部队之外，在华日军陆军医院、各部队防疫给水部，甚至常规部队、普通医院、医学协会组织等也有参与细菌战，包括人体试验、活体解剖、细菌培养、培训特工、实施细菌战、和收集数据等。
   太平洋战争爆发后，1942年，日军还在新加坡和马来西亚设立了9420细菌部队，为在马来半岛和南洋群岛实施细菌战作准备。
    美国犹他州达格威美军生物武器试验场（Dugway Proving Ground）技术资料馆保存着战后不久美国派遣到日本，向日军细菌战主要人员调查与交涉的调查官的报告。报告内容包括对日军细菌战医学专家的讯问记录，和以美国方面免于在远东国际法庭就战争犯罪对他们进行起诉作为交换条件，日本细菌战有关人员向美国方面提供的，日军通过大量人体实验、实战使用所掌握的细菌战技术资料。调查官之一美军生物战专家菲尔（Norbert Fell）的调查报告记录了他对原日军731细菌部队司令石井四郎的讯问。 讯问中，石井四郎告诉菲尔：作为细菌武器来说，最重要的三种病原菌是炭疽杆菌、鼠疫和流行性脑炎。另一处讯问记录中，石井四郎说：作为细菌武器最为有效的地方病病菌是炭疽，传染病是鼠疫。
    美国调查官的报告中，作为细菌武器的炭疽、鼻疽的试验和研究是重要的调查内容达格威试验场技术资料馆保存着三大本彩色的人体实验解剖报告，是日本细菌战医学战犯向美国军事、情报等部门提交的细菌战技术资料中的一部分。这三部人体解剖报告分别为《炭疽》（The Report of A）、《鼻疽》（The Report of G）和《鼠疫》（The Report of Q）。
    保存在中国历史档案馆的一份中国国民政府的文件表明，当时中国方面对于日军使用炭疽菌鼻疽菌进行攻击已有觉察。
    1939年12月，中国国民政府军医署驻桂林办事处医学专家向军政部提交了《防治敌机散播鼠疫菌脾脱疽菌马鼻疽菌办法》的报告，报告分析了日军飞机可能散播的细菌种类，提出了相应的防疫措施:“悉查利用毒菌以作兵器在医学上尚属少见，．．．．．．敌人广播所称利用飞机散播细菌于空气中能为人畜之害者，则可能为下列三种(一)鼠疫菌(肺鼠疫较为相近);(二) 脾脱疽菌(皮肤脾脱疽病于皮肤败血症较为接近);(三) 马鼻疽菌(该菌类对牲畜特易感染，对人类也有感染之可能)。（以下从略）(注:“脾脱疽菌”是炭疽菌的另外一个名称，日军细菌部队也用“脾脱疽菌”这个名称。鼻疽也称“马鼻疽”。)
    1949年12月，原苏联在伯力对12名被指控从事细菌战犯罪活动的原日军部队人员举行审判。12名被告的法庭证词证明中国国民政府军医署驻桂林办事处的这份报告中的分析和推测非常准确。据包括以上12名以外的日军细菌部队有关人员供述:驻哈尔滨的731部队和驻长春的100部队，除了用活人做实验研究炭疽和鼻疽以外（参考以上提到美军达格威试验场技术资料馆保存的日军提供的有关人体实验解剖报告），还大量生产炭疽菌，100部队还大量生产鼻疽菌。731部队一个月的炭疽菌生产能力达约600公斤；1941年到1942年间，100部队生产了1000公斤炭疽菌、500多公斤鼻疽菌。
    另据伯力审判中原731部队第4部（细菌生产）部长的供词，1942年年中，他曾奉令准备了130公斤的副伤寒菌和炭疽菌，为731部队南下远征使用。
    此次731部队南下远征参加的是浙赣战役，汇合南京的1644细菌部队，共动用人员160名，使用了除鼠疫、炭疽、霍乱、伤寒以外至少6种细菌。其中炭疽病人与人之间几乎不传染。本书中的受害者都是浙赣铁路沿线地区居民，1942年春夏的浙赣战役就是在这些地区进行的，期间，与居住地区周围人群，有的接近人口三分之一以上，突然同时皮肤感染，症状与本书中的描述相近。根据调查，大多数感染者已在当时病死。
    据多方的史料，日军除动用正规军队空中、地面投撒细菌以外，还长期派遣大批受过训练的奸细组成特工小队，潜入各地投放细菌。最近在浙江某地方档案馆发现一份1943年被抓获的奸细的审讯记录，其中讲到，特工队员随身携带一种绿色“药丸”，“放入井中或路旁遇水即化”，“或使腿部发肿溃烂”。
    另据原日军细菌部队队员的供词，1942年夏季演习时，曾在中苏边境附近的河流、沼泽中投放鼻疽菌，水池和土地里撒播炭疽菌。
美国国家档案馆所藏一份1945年1月美军军医部有关文件表明：当时美军从缴获的日军文件中发现日军有用炭疽菌进行细菌攻击的动向。此前，还有报告称日军持有经调整可用于人体的炭疽疫苗。据美国国家档案馆日军俘虏审讯记录，日军的炭疽疫苗有效性为80%。日军驻中国军队全部接受炭疽防疫注射，一年3次，每次注射两回。疫苗由关东军提供，血清由大连卫生研究所生产。
    1998年与1999年，我曾经到浙江省金华市近郊调查，有一上天师村，1942年当时，因为村里爆发烂脚病，被远近一带称为“烂脚村”。亲戚朋友不来往走动，路人过往，见村里人，避之不及。上天师村位于河边，在通往武义县的交通要道上。武义有氟石矿，是飞机外壳的原料，日军独占开采，运往日本。浙赣战役期间，日军曾有一支队伍驻扎上天师村，在村边要道搭了了望塔，监视来往行人车辆。据村人说，日军从来不用当地的水，他们用的水都是从别处运来的。当时村里300多人口，估计有三分之一左右烂脚烂死，但是没有见一名日军烂脚。上天师村周围同一水域的村庄，同时也多有发生烂脚病。
    一直到战争结束，日军对中国平民使用细菌武器都毫无顾忌。 100部队某一支队队员作证，1945年8月日本宣布投降之后，他们将马匹感染上鼻疽后，驱放到附近的村庄。
    本书作者李晓方在交通如此发达的时代，踏破铁鞋，用照相机记录了受害者们生命的最后时刻。 使得集中在拥有一切现代化社会便利条件的大城市的政治、社会、知识精英，还有更多的人，第一次有可能看到了受害者们的战争的故事，看到他们终生没有能力摆脱的战争的伤害。 这些记录也成为向当今世界发出的最刺耳的道德质问之一，战后60年来，所有关于和平誓约与战争反省的讨论，都是远离他们的，像是空中鸟语。
    60年如此人生，令人痛心疾首。呼吁社会各界予以关注，为了道德的责任；医学界予以救助，为了人道；予以科学的调查，为了文明。
    在此，谨向不远万里从美国来到中国看望这些受害者，并不懈为他们在国际社会奔走呼吁的美国历史学者 Sheldon Harris教授（已故）和他夫人、 Michael Franzblau医生 与 Martin Furmanski 医生和他夫人表示真挚的敬意和感谢。
     作者李晓方的辛勤劳动为人类留下了一种罕有的生命的历史录。                                
  王  选
                                   2005年5月4日
A Rare Record of Lives on Earth
                       Wang Xuan
                                   May 4, 2005
In 1925, at the meeting held by the League of Nations in Geneva, participating countries signed a treaty to prohibit using of chemical and biological weapons in war.
  From 1928 to 1930, a Japanese medical officer Shiro Ishii, who later would become the commander of Unit 731, the Japanese biological warfare troop infamous for its human experimentation, sent by the Japanese War Ministry, had made a study tour throughout Europe.
  Upon his return to Japan, Ishii started lobbying the Japanese War Ministry and Headquarter of General Staff, to convince the top of the significance for Japan to launch a biological warfare program, for the reasons that:
1. All the European powers are taking steps to prepare a biological warfare program. If Japan legs behind, it will find itself in the tight corner in the near future.
2. Biological weapon is low-cost. It is an ideal weapon for a country like Japan poor in natural resources like iron.
3. The most important with biological weapon is its power of destruction over any other weapon. Guns and canons made of iron can only hit specific targets in surroundings. Those who get wounded can go back to the battle field again as soon as they are recovered. But pathogens as lethal weapons keep killing from man to man, countryside to town, with fatal diseases keeping spreading, getting into human bodies, and causing high casualties.   
In 1932, Tokyo Army Medical School set up a disease prevention research laboratory and began a biological warfare research program with Shiro Ishii as the center figure. At the same year, far away in the vast countryside of Heilongjiang Province, northeast China, a biological warfare research unit was set up by the Japanese army in a remote place called Beiyinhe.
In 1936, under the order of the emperor, a biological warfare troop
called Unit 731 was set up in Harbin, capital city of Heilongjiang Province, to engage in research and development of biological weapon for human. Unit 100, another biological warfare troop, was set up in Changchun, capital city of Jilin Province, to engage in research and development of biological weapon for animal and plant.
In 1938, several other biological warfare troops were set up in China,
Unit 1855 in Beijing, Unit 1644 in Nanjing, and Unit 8604 in Guangzhou.
The above units as Japanese biological warfare troops had more than 60 branches and dispatches in different places in China. The total number of the biological warfare program staff should be over 10,000. Based on the data declassified by Japanese Ministry of Health and Welfare in 2002, Unit 731 had more than 3000 members on its payroll, when the war was ending.
The Japanese biological warfare troops in China all used living
humans of different races, most of them Chinese, as subjects for BW experimentation, engaged in research of offensive biological warfare and mass production of biological weapons. Early in 1938, they began to use biological weapons against the Chinese, militaries or civilians, in China.
Besides the Japanese biological warfare troops, many Japanese
military hospitals, water prevention units of regular armies, regular army troops, civil hospitals and professional medical institutes and societies in China also engaged in biological warfare activities, including research with human experiments and vivid-section, cultivating germs, training agents, conducting germ attacks and collecting BW data.
In 1942, after the outbreak of the Pacific War, the Japanese army set up
another biological warfare troop, Unit 9420, in Singapore and Malaysia, to prepare for biological warfare in the Malay Peninsular and the South Pacific Islands,
The library of the U. S. army biological warfare proving ground in
Dugway, the State of Utah, keeps the reports by the officers sent to Japan by the United States shortly after the war to investigate the Japanese biological warfare program and negotiate with the Japanese BW scientists and experts. The reports include interrogation records of the key persons of the Japanese biological warfare program, and their BW technical data obtained from human experimentation and trial field attacks against the Chinese, which the Japanese under investigation had submitted to the American authority in exchange for immunity from their crimes at the Tokyo Military Tribunal. The investigation report by Norbert Fell, one of the 4 investigators, has documented his interrogation of Shiro Ishii, former commander of Unit 731. Based on the records, during the interrogation, Shiro Ishii told Fell that the most significant BW pathogens were anthrax, plague and encephalitis. He also said, in one of the interrogations, that the most effective BW endemic disease was anthrax and epidemic was plague.
The Investigation reports on experiments and research of anthrax and
glanders as BW weapons compose a considerable part of the investigation documents. Among them are the 3 colored autopsy reports of human experiments kept in the library of Dugway Testing Ground. They are the Report of A (anthrax), the Report of G (glanders), and the Report of Q (plague).
A document in the Chinese History Archives records that the Chinese took precautions against anthrax and glanders on the alert that the Japanese army would use them to attack. In December 1939, the medical staff at Guilin Dispatch, Chinese Military Medical Bureau, submitted a report to the Ministry of War Administration of the Chinese Nationalist Government, entitled: Precautions of Defense against the Enemy Airplanes Spreading of Plague, Anthrax and Glanders. The report says:
  “Survey shows that it is still rare in medical science to use germs of fatal diseases as weapons, ...  The enemy’s radio station broadcasts aerial spreading of pathogens by planes to attack humans and animals. The possible lethal pathogens the enemy will use are the following 3:
1. Plague (close to pneumonic plague)
2. Anthrax (skin anthrax is close to skin septicemia)
3. Glanders (livestock especially easily gets infected, humans can also get infected) ”
From December 25 to 31, 1949, the formere Uoviet Union held a war crimes trial at Khabarovsk City for 12 Japanese military servicemen charged with crimes of biological warfare activities.
The court confessions made by the 12 Japanese have proved the analysis and precautions made by the Chinese medical specialists in Gulin in their report. Based on various testimonies including the 12 confessions at Khabarovsk Trial, Unit 731 based in Harbin and Unit 100 based in Changchun, besides using living humans as subjects in their experiments on anthrax and glanders as documented in the autopsy reports in Dugway Library, both mass produced anthrax. Unit 100 also mass produced glanders. Unit 731’s monthly production capability of anthrax is 600kg. From 1941 to 1942, Unit 100 produced 1000kg of anthrax and over 500kg of glanders.
Chief of Section 4 (production section) of Unit 731 made the following confession at Khabarovsk:
In mid 1942, according to the order he had received, he prepared 130kg of paratyphoid and anthrax for Unit 731 for its expedition to south China.
Unit 731’s south expedition was joined with Unit 1644, biological
warfare troop based in Nanjing. Altogether 160 BW specialized staff went down south to Zhejiang and Jiangxi Provinces to participate in the Japanese army’s “Zhejiang-Jiangxi Operation”, during which, the Japanese army employed 6 pathogens, including plague, anthrax, cholera, typhoid in its biological warfare against the Chinese.
Anthrax is a disease almost incommunicable between humans. The victims in the book are all residents of the areas along the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Railway, where the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Operation was conducted in spring and summer of 1942. They suddenly got the infectious diseases on their skin at the time, with other people in their surroundings, in some cases, one third of the local population, with similar symptoms described in the book. Research finds that most of the infected died then or after.
Documents from various sources indicate that over a long period of time the Japanese had trained collaborators and agents in large numbers and sent them in small teams to different places to spread germs in secrecy.
Recently, a document has been found at a local archive in Zhejiang Province. It is an interrogation record of a captured POW-turned-agent, who described in his confession that they each carried a kind of “tablets in green color” with them, to “drop into the wells or leave at the roadsides”. The tablets “melt immediately when in water” and “make legs swell and rot”.
Another confession by a former member of the Japanese biological
warfare program says that in a summer trial of field attack in 1942 along Sino-Russian boarder, they spread glanders in rivers and swamps and anthrax in the wells and soil there.
  In January 1945, the American Ministry of Surgeon, a document at the National Archives of the United States records, reported that the American military intelligence had found from captured Japanese military documents indications of BW attacks with anthrax by the Japanese. The document also says that earlier intelligence reports describe that the Japanese army possessed adjusted anthrax vaccine suitable for human bodies. In a Japanese POWs interrogation reports in the American National Archives, it is said that the efficacy of the anthrax vaccine used by the Japanese military is 80%. All the Japanese army servicemen in China had to take anthrax vaccination 3 times a year, each time 2 doses of injections. Vaccine was supplied by the Kantong Army and serum was from Dalian Hygiene Institute.
  From 1998 to 1999, I made some investigations in the Japanese biological warfare victimization in the suburb of Jinhua City, Zhejiang Province. There is a village called “Shangtianshi”. In 1942, at the time of the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Operation, because so many villagers there had contracted rotten-leg disease, the village was called “rotten leg village” in the neighboring area. Friends and relatives stopped paying visits to the village, passers-by shunned the villagers when they came across on the way.
  Shangtianshi Village is on a river, next to the major road to Wuyi County, where the Japanese monopolized a fluorite mine and sent all the mined stones to Japan. Fluorite is a material for making airplane shells. During the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Operation, a squad of the Japanese army came to the village and stayed on. They put up a watch tower on the roadside keeping an eye on the traffic. According to the villagers, the Japanese never used water there and had it dilivered over from somewhere else. None of the Japanese was found to have got rotten leg disease which was rampant among the Chinese in the same surroundings, causing great pains and many deaths. Of the 300 population in the village, about one third died of the disease during the wartime.
  Even the end of the war did not stop the Japanese army from using biological weapons against the Chinese civilians without inhibition. A former member of a branch of Unit 100 made the confession:
After Japan declared surrender in August 1945, they had their hoses in the staples contaminated with glanders and then drove them out to the neighboring villages.
  Li Xiaofang, author of the book, has worn out his shoes in an era with all modern traffic facilities, to have recorded the last moments of the victims with his cameras. With his work out, for the first time, many of the political, social and intellectual elites in crowds in big cities, will be able to have a glimpse of the war stories of the victims and the wounds they can never get rid of in their lives. The record of their last moments in photos is a most piercing sound raised to today’s world for a moral response: 60 years have gone by since the war ended, but they, who deserve every attention as war victims, with their stories, are irrelevant in any promise for peace and any discussion on repentance of the war.
  60 years of pain and misery in life as the photos show is far beyond common sense and sensibility. I appeal to all societies for attention for the sake of moral responsibility, and appeal to medical profession for help for the sake of humanity, and for research and investigation for the sake of civilization.
  In concluding this, I would like to give my great respect and heartfelt thanks to Professor Sheldon Harris and his wife, Dr. Michael Franzblau and Dr. Martin Furmanski and his wife, for coming thousands of miles away from the United States to see the victims and have been making appeals for them in the academic and international societies since then.
  Hard work of author Li Xiaofang has borne the fruit for all: a rare record of lives on earth.

为了“历史的真实”和“人的尊严”
——关于细菌战受害调查的几点看法
王 选
2002年12月

   日本从上个世纪三十年代初在中国着手准备细菌战，四十年代初开始在中国战场除新疆、西藏、青海以外的东北、西北、西南、华北、华东、华中、华南局部地区使用细菌武器，大规模实施细菌战以来，近大半个世纪已经过去。
   九十年代中期以来，湖南、浙江两省社会民间在细菌战诉讼的促动下，开展了较大范围的社会性细菌战受害调查，完成或初步进行了部分地区局部受害的调查，其中细菌战诉讼有关受害地的部分地区局部受害在今年8月27日东京地方法院的判决中得到认定，其中包括湖南常德和浙江各受害地细菌战鼠疫、霍乱死亡者10，000多名。可是这部分被认定的受害还只是整个日本细菌战在中国造成受害的冰山之一角。
    诉讼像是行驶在冰川中的航船，破冰才能前进。7年来，为诉讼和调查已付出艰辛努力的许许多多中国人和日本人以及其他国际人士，在取得一审判决事实认定胜利后，发现航船并没有把我们带到终点，而是带到了这座冰山的脚下。
    冰山虽然庞大无比，但是热能使之消融于顷刻，就看我们能不能调动足够的必要的能源。本人认为，广大中国人的民族情感、尊严意识和历史传统就是攻克这座冰山的所需能量的源泉。也就是说，能否完成细菌战受害调查这一历史使命，取决于我们能否有效地调动上述社会资源，激发中国社会对这个问题的关注，动员组织社会力量，有计划地、科学地来操作这一历史性的工程。
   本人根据九十年代中期以来，参与日本市民运动、辩护团、中国原告团、受害各地调查会以及其他国际人士赴中国各受害地调查的经验，提出几点看法，供大家参考。
1．为了“历史的真实”和“人的尊严”
    1．1．凡要做好一件事情必须要有正确的价值取向。中国社会对日本细菌战受害调查的目的的价值定位在于历史真实和受害者的尊严。目前中国社会受害调查群体的组成中，有部分是以“教训日本”、“索赔”等为目的的。这些目的本身无可非议。但是这些动机的产生，依存于对方的形态、假想敌的存在、某种实际条件的变化等等，因之不可避免地受到两者之间现实关系的影响，或是积极的，或是消极的。但是，当代中国人面对细菌战受害调查这一历史遗留下来的工作，无论是从道义上还是良心上，都没有选择的余地。所以我认为需要具有持久性和稳定性的价值取向和定位，作为完成这项艰苦工作所必需的坚定、长久的精神动力来源。
   1．2．细菌战受害调查是在国际对话和合作中进行的，需要定位于人类社会普遍价值，普遍的价值取向能够为来自各种不同民族、历史、文化背景的参与力量所接受。维护“历史的真实”和“人的尊严”是人类社会的普遍价值。来自各种不同背景的参与力量聚合在一起时，也需要这一普遍的价值作为精神导向，使它们能够超越各自背景所带来的限制。、
    1．3．所谓细菌战就是用病菌人为地制造疾病的流行。疾病流行本身就是错综纷繁的，细菌战造成的疾病流行，由于年代久远，造成调查在技术上的困难和复杂。所以调查者需要以为了“历史的真实”作为自己的信念，在调查中坚定意志，不断以科学的精神去克服种种困难。
2．作为流行病史的细菌战受害调查
   2．1．本文所讲的细菌战受害是指用细菌人为地引起疾病在人群中的流行，造成对人的伤害。所以细菌战受害调查同时也是流行病史的调查。调查研究者需要具有流行病学、预防病学、细菌学、生物学等方面的相关专业知识，这些领域专家的参与是不可缺少的。
   2．2．人在自然的情况下也要感染疾病，区分自然的疾病与细菌战人为引起的疾病流行的关键是对受害因果关系的确定。这也需要根据流行病学的有关专业知识和科学方法来作出接近真实的判断。
    2．3．中国的地方卫生防疫部门系统的掌握并记录当地有关流行疾病的流行历史，利用和参考这方面的有关资料是细菌战受害调查的一个重要部分。
    2．4．细菌战引起的疾病流行造成对整个区域社会的全面破坏，包括经济、社会、文化、卫生、环境等。对人口造成的伤亡只是细菌战受害的一部分。
    以上所述，基本上指的是遭受日军细菌战攻击的当地社会和居民的受害，不包括对中国军事人员造成的伤亡，以及对于军事局势的影响。
   最后在这里必须提及的是，细菌战诉讼调查7年以来，许多历史见证人、受害幸存者相继离去，180名原告中已经有27名去世。
1942年日军在浙江、江西两省实施的细菌战，从动用的人员、设备、使用的菌种、攻击的区域等来看，是人类有史以来最大规模的。

   1942年4月18日，美军16架B25轰炸机首次对日本本土进行空袭。日军统帅部受到极大的震动，决定反击。因美军飞机袭击后大部分在浙江、江西两省的中国军用机场降落，日军统帅部即于4月末开始发动“浙赣战役”，下令日军13军和11军所属部队，分别从杭州和南昌顺浙赣沿线夹攻，摧毁沿途的中国军用机场和军事力量。为了阻碍中国方面日后修复机场，日军在撤退时在机场周围等地区，大规模地散布鼠疫、炭疽、霍乱、伤寒、副伤寒等细菌。据日本防卫厅资料：战役后期6月中起，日军13军战病人数突增为前期的5~6倍，至9月战役结束，达10000人。日军人员经免疫注射，且具备一定的相关知识。当时中国人均医生为80000：1（据日本东亚研究所1939年的调查报告），当地老百姓，懵懂无知，又兵荒马乱，遇难者不计其数。

    根据这次战役的日军最高指挥官之一日军13军司令中将泽田茂战后公开出版的日记记载，此人虽然在战役中下令对中国军队大规模使用化学武器，却反对实施细菌战。他在同年6月16日的日记中写道：“（我）明确表示了反对(实施细菌战)的理由，这将在日中关系上留下百年伤痕。”接着他又写道：以这些山野田间的百姓的性命为代价，什么好处也不会有。”
    如果这就是泽田茂当年预见到“这将在日中关系上留下百年的伤痕”的原因的话，可谓不幸言中。

   细菌战诉讼中，中国原告提出的要求谢罪赔偿的损失之一，就是细菌战给他们和他们的家庭带来的精神上的痛苦。

   原告方证人东京女子大学文化人类学者聂莉莉教授就此向法庭作证。她运用分析在湖南常德各受害地田野调查中采集的民谣，和当地受害者接受调查时在述说中运用的语汇，使人们看到了深深刻在中国老百姓内心的细菌战恐怖悲惨的记忆和他们心理上的创伤。不少常德的原告在他们的诉讼陈述书里记述了这些民谣。举其一例，一名原告因细菌战童年丧母，哀不能已，吟歌而泣：“哭一声我妈死的最苦，死了三天无人问，亲戚家眷不敢进门。路短人稀无人走，家家户户关紧门。我爹爹去外三呼请不进，家家户户回硬信。我爹爹叫得没得法，挖把挖锄堂屋挖。一挖一哭好伤心，当时昏倒地下沉。我儿大哭爹爹是否又感症。我全家五口一路行，一无兄来二无地，三无姐姐无妹妹，我爹死了，我又靠谁人。二伯伯听了没有法，邀了两个青年把坑挖。先挖眼后埋人，丢了匣子就转身。匣子未盖就转身，我儿没法要是掩不住，狗衔灵。把妈妈的匣子掩住我儿就转身，哭哭涕涕回家门。……我儿哭得天昏地也沉。昏昏沉沉泪珠滚，沉到地下见阎君。天是我的屋，地是我的铺。枕我的手膀子，盖我的肋巴骨。”

    这位原告自编的诗歌中讲述的当时受害的具体情景，也是原告方另一位证人日本立教大学上田信教授的证词内容。上田信是日本历史社会学界的新星，曾经在南京大学留学，研究中国农村社会。他以浙江义乌崇山村细菌战受害为例，分析细菌战鼠疫通过农村社会脉络和传统习俗传播不断造成伤害，指出细菌武器不同与普通武器的一个特征，是把普通日常生活的空间、社会关系、自然环境变为杀人凶器。细菌武器并不单纯大量杀伤生灵，还破坏了人们在漫长历史中形成的生存社会基础。社会文化的破坏，并不因为战争的结束而立即得到修复，还会长久持续。

    2000年崇山村村民细菌战调查委员会联合义乌各地的细菌战受害者，民间集资，当年的市长又让民政局拨款15万元，在日军进行过活体解剖的地点建了一座细菌战鼠疫受难同胞纪念碑亭。纪念碑上刻着他们调查证实的1100多位受害者的名字。一群普通农民的名字刻在公共纪念物上，作为历史人物受到纪念，在中国也许还不多。许多受害者原来没有坟墓，这座简朴的建筑物，成为当地人追忆共同的以往，凭吊逝者，寄托哀思的公共文化场所。清明冬至，灾难中失去双亲，沦为孤儿的幸存者在碑前亭下的人群中寻得归属。这里是他们在阳光下，敞开心怀，仰望蓝天白云的地方。

   这场战争对于中国来说是国家的民族的灾难，也是构成这个国家的许许多多家庭的灾难，构成这个民族的许许多多个人的灾难。中国和日本之间是否能解决各种战争遗留下来的问题，很大程度上取决与我们自己怎么看待这段历史，又怎么对待这段历史。这个历史是亿万中国人共有的历史，也是亿万中国人个人的历史。中日间的历史问题归根结底是人的问题。

         侵略军将领泽田茂的“先见”，使得现在一些把历史问题的解决简化为道歉次数和方式的讨论，显得对百姓生命轻描淡写。

<南方周末>2004年3月18日